Massacre Victims Will Get a 'Fitting' Memorial
Thursday, April 1, 1999
BY MARK HAVNES and LOREN WEBB
MOUNTAIN MEADOWS -- Scientists using ground-penetrating radar are looking
beneath Mountain Meadows, hoping to locate the burial sites of 120 California-bound
emigrants who were massacred 141 years ago by Mormon settlers and Paiute
Indians.
The subsurface survey along with a soil analysis are being conducted
in preparation of an upgrade of the site's memorial, trails and plaques.
The work is a cooperative effort between the Mountain Meadows Association
and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Ron Loving, president of the association, says the project could not
have progressed to this point without the "spirit of reconciliation"
from the church. Much of the church's effort has been prompted by President
Gordon B. Hinckley, who has been troubled by the massacre since 1947,
when he first visited the site 35 miles northwest of St. George with his
father.
The church and the association want to honor those who died with a fitting
memorial and explanatory plaques at the site, which has fallen into disrepair
through vandalism, neglect and the elements. Scientific work was conducted
by Coloradans John Lindemann, a forensic geologist, and Clark Davenport,
a forensic geophysicist. Their expenses were covered by the association,
but they donated their time and equipment.
The pair are experts at locating archaeological sites, clandestine graves
and illegal dumping locations, Davenport says. They have worked in 33
states and seven countries.
They hope the radar can find anomalies in the soil pattern that would
indicate a possible grave. They cannot pinpoint the exact date of burial
without digging it up, which the association will not allow. The scientists
also are searching the soil for chemical concentrations, such as calcium,
that would indicate possible burial sites. They also hope to identify
the location where, on Sept. 7, 1857, the Baker-Fancher party circled
their wagons against a siege that ended five days later with the slaying
of men, women and children.
Loving says the information, in addition to aerial photographs, still
has to be evaluated. The work is being conducted so that the site will
never be violated again.
"We do not want those bodies disturbed and the church is honoring
that request," says Loving, an aerospace-systems engineer in Tucson,
Ariz., who is related to 12 of the emigrants who died. The LDS Church
plans to build and maintain a memorial on 2.5 acres it owns at the massacre
site. The association will be responsible for other improvements, including
identifying and marking grave sites, road upgrades, a parking lot, rest-rooms
and plaques explaining what happened at Mountain Meadows. The association
is looking for donations and new members to help complete the projects.
Loving said those interested can contact the association at 7740 W. Sunlark
Way, Tucson, AZ 85748.
The first memorial erected at the site was a 12-foot-high rock cairn
constructed by U.S. Army troops in 1859 as a memorial marker to the massacre
victims.
Other monuments were made in 1932 by the Utah Trails and Landmarks Association
and in 1990 by the state and families of the victims. Another memorial
was constructed in 1955 in Arkansas where the Baker-Fancher wagon train
began. The monument was erected by the Richard Fancher Society of America
in Harrison.
The latest plans are the most ambitious for the massacre site and are
the first involving the LDS Church.
Loving says plans for the improvements began last September when the
victims' descendants gathered at Mountain Meadows to commemorate the massacre
and were disturbed by the deplorable condition of the site.
Loving says the association contacted the LDS Church through Glen Leonard,
director of the Church Museum of History and Art in Salt Lake City. Leonard
has worked closely with Loving on the project ever since. Hinckley is
one of the proj-ect's biggest backers.
Last October, while being driven to the St. George airport after a dedication
at Dixie College, Hinckley said he felt "compelled" to visit
Mountain Meadows.
Soon after his visit, a meeting was arranged between church officials,
including Hinckley, and the association. The meeting was held Oct. 30
at the church's administration building in Salt Lake City. Loving, who
kept minutes of the meeting, which are posted on the
association's Web site, describes a gracious Hinckley, greeting each
group member before ushering them into a conference room.
Hinckley told the association that he was ashamed and embarrassed at
the condition of the monument. "I resolved there to do something
about it," he said.
The church leader then presented three proposed renditions for a memorial
by church architect Lee Grey, who designed the Assembly Building now under
construction north of Salt Lake City's Temple Square.
Speaking of the massacre, Hinckley said to his guests that no one really
knows what happened at Mountain Meadows or can explain it. "But we
[the church] express our regrets over what happened there and we all need
to put this behind us," he said. "We need to eliminate the hatred."
Association board member Kent Bylund, a Mountain Meadows landowner and
association board member, said he is excited about seeing the paradigm
surrounding Mountain Meadows shift from "Why did it happen?"
to "There is nothing wrong with honoring the dead at the site."
He also says Hinckley has asked church members in the area to donate
their time and efforts to the renovation project. Since the day it happened,
the massacre has represented a disturbing chapter in LDS history. It is
known that Mormons and Paiutes took part in the killings, but what exactly
happened and who was involved never has been fully explained to everyone's
satisfaction. Instead, it has fostered a legacy of guilt among some church
members and rendered the church an easy target of ridicule from critics.
Only one person was ever prosecuted for participating in the crime. Brigham
Young's adopted son, John D. Lee, was tried in 1877 and convicted for
his part in the killings, then executed at the massacre site after delivering
a dissertation on how he felt he had been betrayed.
University of Utah history professor Dean May says the event has to be
viewed in historical context. At the time, the territory was under a siege
mentality. Young had declared marshal law and was mustering a militia
in anticipation of federal troops, who that same fall were marching toward
Utah to quash a perceived rebellion by polygamous Mormons against the
U.S. government.
"It was uncharacteristic of the Mormons to react as they did [at
Mountain Meadows]," May says, noting after the massacre of Mormons
in Missouri and the murder of church founder Joseph Smith in Illinois,
the "Mormons just buried their dead and went on with construction
of the temple."
BYU Unearths Bones of 1857 Massacre Victims
Saturday, August 14, 1999
BY PAUL FOY THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The bones of 10 men, women and children believed to have been among
120 California-bound pioneers massacred by a Mormon militia and American
Indian allies in 1857 have been unexpectedly unearthed at the site. The
bones, discovered Aug. 3 by workers restoring a monument, were quietly
shipped to Brigham Young University for an archeological evaluation.
It was an unfortunate find for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints, which was trying to avoid disturbing human remains while demolishing
and replacing a memorial at a primitive rock-cairn grave 40 miles north
of St. George.
"The discovery was accidental," said Shane Baker, an archeologist
for the church-owned BYU.
"We disinterred the remains so they wouldn't be further damaged.
We have the partial remains of a number of individuals. All evidence substantiates
they were victims of the Mountain Meadows massacre," he said.
The Arkansas emigrants were tricked into laying down their arms with
a promise of safe passage and slain for reasons still not fully understood.
It was a time when Utah Mormons feared an invasion by the U.S. Army and
recalled their persecution by gentiles in Arkansas. Church spokesman Dale
Bills said Friday that the church is "restoring the Mountain Meadows
grave site as a dignified, lasting memorial to the victims of the 1857
massacre."
The pioneers' bones were exposed last week by a backhoe removing the
last of a crude masonry wall that had encircled the grave site.
Working by hand, BYU archeologists spent two tedious days recovering
the bones.
"It was a very humbling, spiritual experience," said Washington
County Sheriff Kirk Smith, who was on hand for the excavation. "It
just really touched me deeply. I saw buttons, some pottery, and bones
of adults and children. But the children -- that was what really hit me
hard."
BYU archeologists are examining the fragile bones for the sex and age
of the pioneers and evidence of disease or trauma. A private ceremony
is planned for the bones' reburial.
A contractor working for the church has resumed building a memorial wall
4 feet wide and 2 feet tall; a dedication ceremony is scheduled Sept.
11.
It will follow a series of reburials, ceremonies and makeshift monuments
for the slain pioneers, who originally were buried in shallow graves exposed
by animals, erosion and flash floods. In 1859, federal troops led by Army
Maj. James H. Carleton of California rounded up the exposed remains of
36 of the pioneers and reburied them under a large pile of rocks.
A masonry wall built in 1932 to encircle that cairn is now being replaced.
It was under that wall that the bones were found. Glen Leonard, director
of the Church Museum of History and Art in Salt Lake City, was able to
determine the number of men, women and children associated with the recovered
bones, according to Washington County Attorney Eric Ludlow.
Leonard was not allowed by church authorities to comment. "This
was a very tragic event and many still have deep feelings about it. We're
doing everything we possibly can to remain sensitive to that," said
Baker, the BYU archeologist. "The LDS church is working in good faith
to make this spot as a respected place for those who lost their lives.
We are trying not to let this [discovery] disturb the positive strides
the church has taken to memorialize the place," he said.
The only person ever held accountable for the 1857 assault was Mormon
convert John D. Lee, a major in the Iron County Militia. He was tried,
convicted and executed 20 years after the slaughter. In 1990, the Mormon
church erected a granite wall listing the names of the slaughtered pioneers.
Letter From the Editor
Sunday, March 12, 2000
By James E. 'Jay' Shelledy
"In pursuing the bloody thread which runs through this picture
of sad realities, the question of how this crime, that for hellish atrocity
has no parallel in our history, can be adequately punished often comes
up and seeks in vain for an answer."
Maj. James H. Carleton Report to Congress, May 25, 1859
This nation's worst case of civil terrorism, if you can lay aside the
wholesale slaughter of Indian settlements in the latter part of the 19th
century by the military, occurred in Oklahoma City five years ago when
the Murrah Federal Building was bombed. This despicable, perverted act
is known throughout the world in excruciating detail.
The second-worst case occurred 142 years ago in Utah. While the congressional
report from the Army's investigating officer, James Carleton, was carried
in the nation's newspapers at the time, scant mention of the Mountain
Meadows massacre has found its way into Utah school textbooks. Indeed,
noted LDS Church historian Leonard Arrington's acclaimed work, Great Basin
Kingdom, failed to mention the atrocity. And state highway maps, while
designating the location of a monument in Utah's southwestern corner,
do not see fit to include Mountain Meadows as a "point of interest"
for travelers.
Perhaps it is because we are too uncomfortable with the truth.
We in Utah, embraced as we are in a unique church-state tango, are loath
to confront awkward memories. No pioneer remembrance has been more collectively
repressed than the execution-style murders of an estimated 120 men, women
and children -- California-bound emigrants -- at the hands of Mormon zealots
and Indian subordinates at Mountain Meadows in 1857.
Unearthing ancestral sins stirs ghosts of the past. To compensate, we
often canonize safely sanitized lore and let sleeping facts to the contrary
rest in peace. Learning and accepting the truth, however, prompts healing,
no matter how overdue. Like a lingering toothache, aspirin only works
so long. This morning, on a goodly portion of our front page, we start
pulling a historical tooth in revealing new light on an old crime.
Prompted by the accidental excavation of the bones of murdered emigrants
in August last year, Salt Lake Tribune writer Christopher Smith investigated
why a backhoe would be digging atop a recognized mass grave site, as well
as the circumstances that came before and after the fateful scoop.
To put the latest, unpublicized findings into sensitive perspective,
we have broken the controversial discoveries into three installments,
the longest of which runs today and two subsequent shorter pieces on Monday
and Tuesday. From historical documents that continue to be problematic,
to the first empirical evidence of what truly happened in that grassy
saddle on the Spanish Trail, the picture is far more gruesome and onerous
than popularly thought.
Confronting the current chapter in the ongoing saga of Mountain Meadows
appears to be as difficult for the state's power structure as it was 14
decades ago. Throughout the five weeks between the time the bones were
dug up and given to Brigham Young University for forensic analysis and
their forced reinterment Sept. 10, there was steady pressure for secrecy.
Ultimately, Gov. Mike Leavitt would intervene to keep bad memories from
becoming worse. Further forensic research on the bones, he wrote, would
derail "a good-spirited attempt to put [the massacre] behind us."
Perhaps Leavitt was battling his own ghosts. He is a descendent of massacre
participant Dudley Leavitt, who, at best, was an accomplice to mass murder
and, at worst, a cold-blooded killer of the frontier's first order.
Dudley Leavitt also was the grandfather of Juanita Brooks, whose 1950
benchmark book on the atrocity was the first attempt at exposing the covered-up
details. Yet Brooks, who three months ago was selected as one of the 20
most influential Utahns of the 20th century, also was conflicted by her
convictions to her LDS faith and family in learning the awful truth.
In a letter to her sister while she was compiling research, Brooks related
that Dudley Leavitt apparently rode picket duty as the surrendering emigrants
were being marched away from the valley. That would make him responsible
for preventing anyone from escaping once the executions began. Brooks
said her father "cautioned his children not to marry Higbees or Haights
or Dames or Klingonsmiths because he believed the sins of the fathers
would be visited upon the heads of the children until the third or fourth
generations."
Brooks once told a friend in St. George, current Washington County medical
examiner Bart Anderson, that she even burned several important historical
documents regarding Mountain Meadows. The flames in her fireplace, related
Brooks, turned an eerie blue as she placed the old papers in the fire.
"I asked her why she would ever burn such important documents,"
Anderson told reporter Smith recently. "And she told me, 'Bart, they
were just too incriminating.' "
In Utah, says Smith, history always is current. Today, and for the next
two days, he sheds light where darkness and denial have too long held
sway. His unsensationalized series, entitled "Grave Consequences,"
will be a painful read for some. But it also can be an enlightening step
toward the eventual healing that must take place for all who cherish their
Utah roots.
--Jay Shelledy, Editor
A Brief History of the Mountain Meadows Massacre
Sunday, March 12, 2000
A California-bound wagon train of about 140 Arkansas emigrants led by
John Baker and Alexander Fancher camped near the present-day southwestern
Utah town of Enterprise in September 1857. Fears the U.S. Army was preparing
to forcibly remove Brigham Young as Utah territorial governor and impose
martial law were at their height. Spurred by inflammatory sermons of LDS
leaders, a siege mentality focused Mormon resentment toward the "gentile"
wagon train.
Early on Sept. 7, a group of American Indians and local Mormon "Indian
missionaries" attacked the encircled wagon train without warning.
After the Arkansas party repelled the offensive, a contingent of Mormon
territorial militia, acting on orders from religious leaders, joined the
assault, which dragged on four more days as 15 emigrant men were killed
while fighting or escaping to summon help.
With their ammunition, food and water almost gone, the emigrants were
persuaded by Mormon officials on the afternoon of Sept. 11 to surrender
their arms in exchange for a safe escort past the Indians to Cedar City.
Segregated into groups of young children, women and teens, and adult males,
they were led under heavy guard by more than 50 militiamen and settlers
out of the corralled wagons and up the valley.
On a pre-arranged command, the rescuers turned upon the emigrants, joined
by Indians who had been lying in wait. Estimates of the death toll include
14 Arkansas men shot in the head, 12 women and 35 youngsters clubbed or
knifed to death, with 17 children younger than age 8 surviving the double-cross.
Nine cowhands hired to drive cattle also were murdered, along with at
least 35 other unknown victims. In all, 120 people, mostly women and children,
were slain.
After two decades of rumors, denials, cover-ups and failed indictments,
one of the participating Mormon leaders, John D. Lee -- Young's adopted
son -- was tried, convicted and executed by firing squad in 1877 at the
scene of the massacre. Lee considered himself a scapegoat. No one else
was ever officially held responsible for the crime.
Part 1: Unearthing Mountain Meadows Secrets: Backhoe at a S. Utah killing
field rips open 142-year-old wound
Sunday, March 12, 2000
Editor's Note: Mountain Meadows, southwest of Cedar City, is the site
of the worst slaughter of white civilians in the history of the frontier
West. Last summer, LDS Church officials and descendants of the victims
sought to finally close the 142-year-old wound. Together they were to
build and dedicate a new monument to the 120 Arkansas emigrants who perished
in unimaginable violence at the hands of Mormon settlers and Indian accomplices.
The new memorial stands, but the wound still festers. In constructing
the monument, workers uncovered remains of 29 victims, a vivid and horrific
reminder of that September day in 1857. The story of those bones, and
what happened to them last summer, adds another excruciating chapter to
the history of a crime that many of Utah's pioneer descendants can neither
confront nor explain.
BY CHRISTOPHER SMITH
MOUNTAIN MEADOWS -- After burying dozens of men, women and children
murdered in a bizarre frontier conspiracy, an Army major ordered his soldiers
to erect a rockpile and a carved wooden cross swearing vengeance on the
perpetrators. Brevet Maj. James H. Carleton then wrote to Congress: "Perhaps
the future may be judged by the past."
They were fated words. When a backhoe operator last summer accidentally
dug up the bones buried here in 1859 by Carleton's troops, it set into
motion a series of cover-ups, accusations and recriminations that continue
today. It also caused a good-faith effort by The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints -- to reconcile one of the ugliest chapters of U.S.
history -- to backfire.
The Aug. 3, 1999, excavation of the remains of at least 29 of the 120
emigrants slaughtered in the Mountain Meadows massacre eventually prompted
Gov. Mike Leavitt to intercede. He encouraged state officials to quickly
rebury the remains, even though the basic scientific analysis required
by state law was unfinished.
"It would be unfortunate if this sad moment in our state's history,
and the rather good-spirited attempt to put it behind us, was highlighted
by controversy," Leavitt wrote in an e-mail message to state antiquities
officials shortly before LDS Church President Gordon B. Hinckley presided
over a ceremony at Mountain Meadows. The widely publicized occasion was
to dedicate a newly rebuilt rock cairn monument, crafted with the same
stones Carleton's troops had piled defiantly in 1859. They also were the
same rocks that were torn down from the grave site by one of Leavitt's
own ancestors. Dudley Leavitt, himself a participant in the Sept. 11,
1857, murders, visited the cairn with LDS prophet Brigham Young a year
after Carleton's troops left.
After ridiculing the pledge of vengeance, Young lifted his right arm
toward the rock pile and "in five minutes there wasn't one stone
left upon another," Dudley Leavitt would recall. "He didn't
have to tell us what he wanted done. We understood." The governor's
intercession was one of many dramas played out last summer, all serving
to underscore Mountain Meadows' place as the Bermuda Triangle of Utah's
historical and theological landscape. The end result may be another sad
chapter in the massacre's legacy of bitterness, denial and suspicion.
In retracing the latest episode, The Salt Lake Tribune conducted numerous
interviews and researched documents obtained under Utah's Government Records
Access and Management Act to find:
Co-sponsors of the monument project -- the LDS Church and the Mountain
Meadows Association -- initially hoped to cover up the excavation, with
the MMA demanding any documentation be "kept out of public view permanently."
The president of the association, Ron Loving, wrote in an Aug. 9 e-mail
to the director of the Utah Division of History: "The families [descended
from victims] and the LDS church will work out what we want to become
public knowledge on this accidental finding."
The vain effort to hide the truth gave rise to wild conspiracy theories
among some descendants. They suspected Loving was working with the LDS
Church to rewrite history by having church-owned Brigham Young University
determine the exhumed victims died of disease, not murder. "I call
it 'sanitizing' a foul deed," Burr Fancher wrote to other descendants
Aug. 24.
Utah Division of History Director Max Evans, over the objections of state
Archaeologist Kevin Jones, personally rewrote BYU's state archaeological
permit to require immediate reburial of the bones after receiving the
governor's e-mail. Jones raised numerous questions over the political
power play, including a concern it was "eth- nocentric and racist"
to rebury the bones of white emigrants without basic scientific study
when similar American Indian remains are routinely subjected to such analysis
before repatriation.
News of the excavation triggered written requests to BYU from people
around the nation, seeking to determine if their ancestors were among
the recovered victims. Some offered to submit to DNA testing and desired
to reinter the remains in family burial plots outside of Utah. Although
the Utah Attorney General's Office had advised state officials that "any
and all lineal descendants of the Mountain Meadows massacre would appear
to have a voice in determining the disposition of the bodies," there
is little documented evidence any of the people seeking information about
family members were consulted.
Resentment over the discovery and of the remains has caused a schism
in the descendant families, with at least one organized group asking why
civil or criminal penalties were not brought against the LDS Church or
the MMA for desecrating the grave. There also is confusion over who is
now in charge of the MMA. While new president Gene Sessions of Weber State
University says Loving was voted out of office in November in the wake
of the controversy, Loving says he's still the boss: "I wasn't voted
out of a damn thing. I was moved up. It was my methods and my way of doing
business that got that monument done." Other descendants have enlisted
the support of Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee in calling for federal stewardship
of the emigrant mass graves scattered in Mountain Meadows, instead of
having the Mormon Church own the land.
"We're doubtful with the church in control this will ever be completely
put to rest," says Scott Fancher, president of the Mountain Meadows
Monument Foundation in Arkansas. "There's a sense among some of our
members it's like having Lee Harvey Oswald in charge of JFK's tomb."
Glen M. Leonard, director of the Museum of Church History and Art and
Hinckley's personal representative in the process, said the church endeavored
with the MMA to gather comment from all descendants through the association's
Web page and newsletter. "While this was not a perfect method for
reaching all members of all branches of all families, it was a practical
means for the church and the association to inform most of them with interest
in the grave site restoration project," Leonard says. "We are
sorry if some descendants of the emigrant families feel left out."
Marian Jacklin, an archaeologist with the Dixie National Forest in Cedar
City who has spent years trying to navigate the emotional minefield of
Mountain Meadows, says the events of last summer did not yield the desired
consequences.
"This whole episode didn't answer anything," she says. "It
just asked more questions."
And the question that burns in the minds of many angry descendants is:
Why was a backhoe digging at a known, well-marked grave site?
"What we understood in every correspondence, and we thought we had
made perfectly clear to the church, was that under no circumstances would
the remains be disturbed," says Scott Fancher, whose organization
is considering legal action over the excavation. "Never in my wildest
imagination did we expect them to set a backhoe on this grave and start
digging."
Hinckley had personally launched the effort to stabilize the decaying
rock cairn -- rebuilt at least 11 times since Carleton's troops placed
the stones -- after a visit to the site in October 1998. The 2.5 acres
was deeded to the church in the 1970s after the landowner reportedly tried
in vain to find descendants in Arkansas to accept the donation of land.
Partnering with the MMA -- a group of emigrant descendants, historians
and interested southwestern Utah residents -- LDS Church architects designed
a monument with a thigh-high stone wall around the old cairn, perched
on a steep stream bank. There are conflicting accounts of whether descendants
understood the wall would require digging a trench around the grave for
a concrete footing. Some MMA members, including the contractor, interpreted
the "do not disturb" edict to cover the pre-construction archaeological
investigation. Once the archaeologists said all clear, crews could dig
the footing, they believed.
But Scott Fancher says his branch of the family understood the wall would
be "surface-mounted," in keeping with the church's pledge not
to disturb the burial ground in any way.
Before beginning, the LDS Church had hired BYU's Office of Public Archaeology
to conduct a non-invasive archaeological survey. Using ground-penetrating
radar, aerial photos, metal detectors and hundreds of soil-sample tests
to search for signs of bones or artifacts, a team of professionals scoured
the area. "The archaeological evidence was 100 percent negative,"
says Shane Baker, the BYU staff archaeologist who directed the study.
"I went to our client, the church, and said either this is not the
spot or every last shred of evidence has been erased."
There was speculation that bones buried beneath the cairn had been exposed
to the elements and deteriorated. Or, they had been washed down the ravine,
the cairn was in the wrong place or the cairn was directly on top of the
bones.
But today, Baker admits the archaeological examination at the location
where the bones were eventually disturbed was not as complete as it was
in other areas. The narrow spot between the cairn and streambank was not
probed with radar because the trailer-like unit could not be towed near
the precarious edge. Instead, Baker took soil core samples, using a bucket
auger, which strained against the impacted earth.
He again found nothing. Witnesses would later draw an analogy to a magician
thrusting swords into a box containing an assistant and somehow missing
the mark.
"Shane came within inches of the remains and it is amazing that
no evidence was determined," says Kent Bylund of St. George, an association
board member and adjacent Mountain Meadows landowner who served as project
contractor. "I sincerely believe everything was done to ensure the
area to be excavated was core sampled and thoroughly examined before excavation
was permitted."
BYU's Baker blames the accidental discovery of bones on the restrictions
placed on the investigation by the LDS Church. "We were not allowed
to do the kind of testing we would do normally, and I was concerned the
whole time we were going to hit bone," he says. "The very fact
they wouldn't let me dig with a shovel and a trowel is why a backhoe found
those bones." It was on the second or third scoop that more than
30 pounds of human skeletal remains clattered out of the backhoe bucket
as it dug the footing trench on Aug. 3. Bylund looked on in disbelief,
his heart in his throat.
His first inclination was to put the remains back in the ground and swear
the backhoe operator to secrecy. But it was impossible to unring the bell.
"Once they were uncovered, for this new monument to go in, you really
had no choice but to remove them because they were dead center in the
middle of the new wall," Baker says. As Baker delicately removed
hundreds of pieces of bone from the exposed trench, Loving and Leonard
debated what to do and who to tell.
"My plan was to have them reburied within 48 hours of their discovery,"
says Loving. The Arizona man, whose ancestor was a brother of a massacre
victim, took charge, he says, "because the LDS Church considered
me as the spokesman for the families in my capacity as president of the
Mountain Meadows Association." But other descendants more directly
related to the victims are outraged the church gave Loving such authority.
"It's offensive to a lot of people to hear Mr. Loving say this is
what the family thinks because we put the church on notice repeatedly
that Mr. Loving does not speak for the family and never has," says
Scott Fancher. "We are very disappointed we did not have a voice
in how the remains were treated after they were disturbed."
Church officials and BYU put Loving in charge and agreed with his plan
to rebury within 48 hours. But that plan was foiled on Aug. 5 when Jones,
the state archaeologist, informed them Utah law required a basic scientific
analysis when human remains are discovered on private property. Failure
to comply was a felony. BYU needed a state permit to legally remove the
remains. And, by law, such permits require "the reporting of archaeological
information at current standards of scientific rigor."
Although LDS officials knew the descendants would be uncomfortable with
the required analysis, they agreed it was necessary, says Leonard.
Jones issued BYU's permit Aug. 6, requiring scientists to determine as
best possible, age, sex, race, stature, health condition, cause of death
and, because the remains were commingled, to segregate the largest bones
and skulls of each individual for proper reburial.
Baker immediately began sorting bones with an assistant in his St. George
hotel room, then transferred the remains to BYU's Provo lab and to the
University of Utah's forensic anthropology lab in Salt Lake City, which
BYU had subcontracted to do the required "osteological" analysis.
Throughout, Loving demanded not a word be said to anyone about the discovery.
On Aug. 9, he threatened to sue the state Division of History if Evans
did not guarantee in writing the state would adhere to several conditions
of secrecy, including "none of the contents of the report, in part
or in whole, is released to anyone."
Baker of BYU maintains the secrecy was to allow time to notify family
members who did not know of the accidental discovery. "To the credit
of the church, they always told me they wanted everything to be open and
aboveboard," he says.
Yet many descendants involved in the monument project didn't learn of
the discovery until the St. George Spectrum newspaper broke the story
Aug. 13, 10 days after the backhoe unearthed the remains. Failing to get
answers from state officials whom Loving had told not to talk, many descendants
bitterly wondered what was really going on.
Burr Fancher, who had supported the monument reconstruction, was incensed.
In an e-mail message circulated to several other descendants, he said
Loving was a "lackey in the employ of the Mormon Church and caters
to Hinckley's every whim."
The news also triggered a flood of requests to BYU and the state from
people wanting to know if their family roots could be traced to Mountain
Meadows. On Aug. 22, the Utah Attorney General's Office informed state
antiquities officials: "Generally, next of kin is privileged in advancing
the burial rights of the deceased absent a compelling state interest."
Loving was telling BYU and state officials the families wanted the remains
buried Sept. 10 in a private ceremony at Mountain Meadows. But new claims
of affiliation complicated matters.
"I went into this blindly and naively assuming the Mountain Meadows
Association spoke as a unified voice on behalf of all the descendants
and that turned out to be wrong," Baker says today. "On one
hand I had descendants demanding I test for DNA, and on the other I had
descendants saying they were going to sue my pants off if I did."
By now it was clear scientists would not be able to complete even the
baseline scientific analysis in time for the scheduled Sept. 10 reburial
ceremony. After a tense meeting with Loving, Jones agreed to a compromise.
The examination and segregation of the "long bones" would probably
be finished by Sept. 10, and those bones would be placed in the ground
at the ceremony. The skulls would require more time, but once that analysis
was complete, the cranial material would then be reburied.
Loving says he was "forced to accept" the compromise, but immediately
launched an end run. He contacted Dixie Leavitt, the governor's father
and a former state senator who played a leading role in the 1990 dedication
of another monument overlooking the killing field. Loving warned Dixie
Leavitt that unless all the bones were reburied on Sept. 10, there would
be an uproar during Hinckley's dedication ceremony.
"I don't recall exactly what I said, but 'disturbance' sounds like
a pretty good word," Loving says today.
"I received a call today from my Father (sic) who has been rather
involved with the people from Arkansas who are planning to hold a burial
and memorial service," Gov. Leavitt wrote in a Sept. 6 e-mail to
Wilson Martin, the division's director of cultural preservation and Jones'
boss. "Apparently, the State Archaeologist is insisting that some
portion of the remains be held from the burial for study. It is apparently
causing a lot of angst amongst the family members."
Gov. Leavitt responded to The Tribune's questions about his intercession
through his press secretary, Vicki Varela. She said the governor "did
not feel that it was appropriate for the bones to be dissected and studied
in a manner that would prolong the discomfort."
Leavitt did not speak to any descendants or family members "other
than being notified by his father that there was some risk a respectful
event may turn into something of a discomfort for the participants,"
said Varela.
Asked if Leavitt understood there was a state law requiring such study,
Varela answered: "I don't think he was knowledgeable of all the details."
She said as the CEO of the state, the governor believed "we should
find a way to create minimal interference." Church History Museum
director Leonard says it was the decision of the MMA, not the church,
to seek an executive exception to the scientific study requirements.
"We were aware of the political implications and the emotional implications
of this issue," says Leonard. "In hindsight, it is fair to say
that the governor's directive to bury those remains not completely analyzed
was a humane response to conflicting needs."
Evans drew up a new state antiquities permit for BYU, removing the previous
requirement of analysis "in toto" and replacing it with a new
requirement that BYU "shall reinter, by Sept. 10, 1999, all human
remains into the prepared burial vaults, near the place of discovery."
Jones, in a memo to the division files Sept. 9, noted his professional
objections.
"To rebury the remains at this point would constitute, in the opinion
of the Antiquities Section, a violation of professional, scientific and
ethical responsibilities," Jones wrote. "It also might indeed
be seen as demonstrating disrespect for the victims, to bury them once
again with bones of many individuals mixed and jumbled, as they were originally
disrespectfully interred, in a mass grave of murder victims."
But Evans also included a notation on the new permit that could lead
to another re-opening of the massacre grave. "Since the remains have
been interred in a concrete vault, it is possible that further evaluation
can take place if all the parties agree, or if a court so orders at some
future date," Evans says today. "This is a matter for the family
members and the landowner to address, not one the Division of State History
expects to be involved in."
Early on the morning of Sept. 10, Baker picked up the remains from the
U. and drove them to a St. George mortuary. There, the unsegregated bones
and skulls of at least 29 people were placed inside four wooden ossuaries
and later reburied at the rebuilt monument.
On Sept. 29, Baker sent letters of thanks to Division of History officials
explaining how many family members at the memorial service appreciated
that all the remains were reinterred. "This certainly represents
the positive side of Governor Leavitt's action to intercede on the reburial
issue," he wrote.
At the same time, Baker said he was professionally conflicted by the
precedent set with the political decisions.
"The state and its people benefited from this absolutely unique
opportunity to, in some small way, try and make amends for the tragic
events that transpired there so long ago," Baker wrote in a letter
to Jones. "That certainly counts for something. I just hope that
some of the other consequences we were all concerned about in connection
with the action to rebury do not come back to cause us grief in the future."
Again, those would prove fateful words.
Part 2: Voices of the Dead
Monday, March 13, 2000
BY CHRISTOPHER SMITH
Like a grim jigsaw puzzle, University of Utah forensic anthropologist
Shannon Novak has pieced together the results of crime and warfare, meticulously
re-assembling the bones of people who met violent ends.
Her expertise has taken her to the mass graves of Croatia, where she
joined a team of other experts in gathering evidence for prosecution of
Serbian war crimes. She recently deciphered the bones of soldiers found
on the bloodiest battlefield of Britain's Wars of Roses in 1461, questioning
the romantic views of chivalry in medieval battle.
The situations are frequently tense, the work is tedious and the results
are never pretty. But always, the truth ends up in sharper focus.
"Typically with history, the winning side writes the story,"
Novak says. "This is giving the dead a chance to speak." She
took that same sense of purpose into a Utah polemic that began last summer.
While The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was working to rebuild
a monument to victims of the 1857 Mountain Meadows massacre, the skeletal
remains of at least 29 slain emigrants were accidentally dug up by a church
contractor on Aug. 3.
That scientists were required to study the bones of the massacre victims
before they could be returned to their resting-place became the flash
point in a five-week struggle that ended with a private reburial ceremony
Sept. 10. The studies, normally required by state law of all accidentally
discovered human remains, were terminated prematurely after Gov. Mike
Leavitt personally intervened.
In a message to state antiquities officials, Leavitt wrote that he did
not want controversy to highlight "this sad moment in our state's
history and the rather good-spirited attempt to put it behind us."
Novak, along with a handful of other scientists, archaeologists and state
antiquities officials, got caught in a political tug-of-war that pitted
the need for scientific inquiry against the desire to respect the wishes
of some descendants, who viewed the analysis as adding insult to injury.
"Arkansas people have two virtues -- caring for the sick and respecting
the dead," Burr Fancher, a direct descendant of the massacre victims,
wrote Aug. 24 to Brigham Young University's Office of Public Archaeology,
which subcontracted with Novak to conduct the forensic analysis. "One
of our fundamental beliefs has been grossly violated so that a few people
could play with bones and for what reason? Everyone knows who was buried
there and every serious student of history knows why it happened."
Yet at the same time, there is little widespread public knowledge of
a crime of civil terrorism that pales in modern U.S. history only to the
1995 Oklahoma City bombing. The slaughter of an estimated 120 white civilians
by a cabal of Mormon zealots and Indians is never mentioned in school
history textbooks and is not even listed as a "point of interest"
on Utah's official highway map. Until recent additions, the interpretive
signs at Mountain Meadows were so vague as to how the Arkansas emigrants
died that they became a source of national ridicule.
"All across the United States, when the dominant group has committed
wicked deeds, historical markers either omit the acts or write of them
in the passive voice," James W. Loewen writes in his new book, Lies
Across America, which devotes a chapter to Mountain Meadows. "Thus,
the landscape does what it can to help the dominant stay dominant and
the rest of us stay ignorant about who actually did what in American history."
When the serene landscape at Mountain Meadows suddenly yielded hard evidence
of one of the most gruesome crimes of western settlement, debate erupted
over the need to delve further.
"It is not important we know exactly how these people were murdered;
we already know they were killed," says Weber State University history
professor Gene Sessions, a Mountain Meadows scholar who serves as the
president of the Mountain Meadows Association. "There's nothing those
bones could show us that we don't already know from the documentary evidence."
But others disagree.
"Those bones could tell the story and this was their one opportunity,"
says Marian Jacklin, a U.S. Forest Service archaeologist in Cedar City.
"I have worked with many of these descedants for years and understand
their feelings. But as a scientist, I would allow my own mother's bones
to be studied in a respectful way if it would benefit medicine or history."
Kevin Jones, state archaeologist, was overruled in his efforts to adhere
to the state law requiring a basic analysis of the remains.
"The truth has never been fully told by anyone and there's plenty
of information we could have learned here," he says. "We know
they were murdered, but we don't know the details. And none of these people
today can speak for every one of those people buried there."
Before the bones were placed back into the earth in the wake of the abrupt
change in a state antiquities permit, they had started to reveal their
secrets. In a 30-hour, round-the-clock forensic marathon, Novak and her
students at the U. managed to reassemble several of the skulls before
BYU officials arrived early on the morning of Sept. 10 to take the bones
away.
Her results, which are still being compiled for future publication in
a scientific journal, confirm much of the documentary record. But they
also provide chilling new evidence that contradicts some conventional
beliefs about what happened during the massacre. For instance, written
accounts generally claim the women and older children were beaten or bludgeoned
to death by Indians using crude weapons, while Mormon militiamen killed
adult males by shooting them in the back of the head. However, Novak's
partial reconstruction of approximately 20 different skulls of Mountain
Meadows victims show:
- At least five adults had gunshot exit wounds in the posterior area
of the cranium -- a clear indication some were shot while facing their
killers. One victim's skull displays a close-range bullet entrance wound
to the forehead;
- Women also were shot in the head at close range. A palate of a female
victim exhibits possible evidence of gunshot trauma to the face, based
on a preliminary examination of broken teeth;
- At least one youngster, believed to be about 10 to 12 years old,
was killed by a gunshot to the top of the head. Other findings by Novak
from the commingled partial remains of at least 29 individuals -- a
count based on the number of right femurs in the hundreds of pieces
of bone recovered from the gravesite -- back up the historical record;
- Five skulls with gunshot entrance wounds in the back of the cranium
have no "beveling," or flaking of bone, on the exterior of
the skull. This indicates the victims were executed with the gun barrel
pointing directly into the head, not at an angle, and at very close
range;
- Two young adults and three children -- one believed to be about 3
years old judging by tooth development -- were killed by blunt-force
trauma to the head. Although written records recount that children under
the age of 8 were spared, historians believe some babes-in-arms were
murdered along with their mothers;
- Virtually all of the "post-cranial" (from the head down)
bones displayed extensive carnivore damage, confirming written accounts
that bodies were left on the killing field to be gnawed by wolves and
coyotes.
Assisted by graduate student Derinna Kopp and other U. Department of
Anthropology volunteers, Novak's team took photographs, made measurements,
wrote notes and drew diagrams of the bones, all part of the standard data
collection required by law.
"I treated this as if it were a recent homicide, conducting the
analysis scientifically but with great respect," says Novak. "I'm
always extremely conservative in my conclusions. I will only present what
I can verify in a court of law."
Beyond the cause of death, Novak was able to discern something about
the constitution of the emigrants.
"These were big, strong, robust men, very heavy boned," she
says. "We found tobacco staining on teeth, which is helpful in indicating
males, and lots of cavities, indicating they had a diet heavy on carbohydrates."
There came a point in the reconstruction where the disparate pieces of
bones slowly began to morph into individuals, each with distinct characteristics.
One victim had broken an arm and clavicle that had healed improperly.
One male had likely been in a brawl that left a healed blunt wound on
the back of his head. One youngster's remains all had a distinctive reddish
tint; as scientists inventoried the bones they would note another part
of "red boy."
"We were at the stage when we were distinguishing them as people,
where you were getting to know each one," says Novak. "We could
have started to match people up. You would never have gotten complete
individuals, but given a little more time, we could have done a lot more."
But time was up. Novak had concentrated her initial work on the "long
bones," as part of an agreement reached between the Division of History,
Mountain Meadows Association and Brigham Young University. Those post-cranial
remains would be re-interred during a Sept. 10 memorial. Because the reconstruction
of the skulls would not be finished by then, the agreement allowed Novak
until spring -- about six months -- to do the studies required by state
law.
It was late on Sept. 8 that she learned that Division of History Director
Max Evans had overruled Jones and re-wrote BYU's antiquities permit, changing
the standard requirement for analysis "in toto" to require reburial
of all remains on Sept. 10. When BYU asked to pick up the cranial bones
on Sept. 9, Novak deferred, saying she had until the next day according
to the amended permit.
"It was the only stand I could make because they had changed the
rules in the middle of the process with no notice whatsoever," she
says. "We worked through the night to get as much done as we could.
This data had to be gathered."
BYU archaeologist Shane Baker picked up the remains from Novak early
on the morning of Sept. 10, drove them to a St. George mortuary where
they were placed in four small wooden ossuaries and then reburied later
that day at the newly finished monument.
The dead would say no more. Their remains should never have been queried
in the first place, says Weber State historian Sessions.
"This idea of Shannon Novak needing six months to mess around with
the cranial stuff, well, I know something about that science and that's
a fraud," says the Mountain Meadows Association president, who adds
he consulted his WSU colleagues about the time needed for such studies.
"I really disagree with anyone who says we should have kept the bones
out of the ground longer to determine what happened at Mountain Meadows.
The documentary evidence is overwhelming. Whether or not little kids were
shot in the head or mashed with rocks makes no difference. They were killed."
But other historians, searching for more information about an event cloaked
in secrecy for generations, see value in the empirical evidence that forensic
anthropology can offer. On Feb. 15, BYU's Baker made an informal presentation
of his own photographs and research on the Mountain Meadows remains to
the Westerners, an exclusive group of professional and amateur historians
who meet monthly. As Baker flashed color slides of the bones on the screen,
the men were visibly moved.
"I've dealt with this awful tale on a daily basis for five years,
but I found seeing the photos of the remains of the victims profoundly
disturbing," says Will Bagley, whose forthcoming book on the massacre,
Blood of the Prophets, won the Utah Arts Council publication prize. "It
drove home the horror."
But would it convince those who still believe the killing was done solely
by Indians, or was part of an anti-Mormon conspiracy or the work of a
single, renegade apostate?
"My own father believed John D. Lee was the one behind it all and
if you think you were going to convince him any differently with empirical
proof, forget it," says David Bigler, author of Forgotten Kingdom
and former member of the Utah Board of State History. "People want
to have the truth, they want it with a capital T and they don't like to
have people upset that truth. True believers don't want to think the truth
has changed."
And according to the leader of the modern Mormon church, the truth has
already been told about Mountain Meadows.
Part 3: The Dilemma of Blame
Tuesday, March 14, 2000
BY CHRISTOPHER SMITH
MOUNTAIN
MEADOWS -- As LDS Church President Gordon B. Hinckley delivered words
of reconciliation at the Sept. 11, 1999, dedication of a rebuilt monument
to emigrants slaughtered by Mormon militiamen and their Indian allies
142 years earlier, he added a legal disclaimer.
"That which we have done here must never be construed as an acknowledgment
of the part of the church of any complicity in the occurrences of that
fateful day," Hinckley said. The line was inserted into his speech
on the advice of attorneys for the Corporation of the President of The
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
The statement, seemingly out of sync with Hinckley's desire to bring
healing to nearly 150 years of bitterness, caused some in attendance to
wonder if any progress had really been made at all. If the Mormon Church
leadership of 1857 was not at least partially to blame for an estimated
120 people slain at Mountain Meadows, then whom should history hold responsible?
"Well, I would place blame on the local people," Hinckley told
The Salt Lake Tribune in a subsequent interview Feb. 23. "I've never
thought for one minute -- and I've read the history of that tragic episode
-- that Brigham Young had anything to do with it. It was a local decision
and it was tragic. We can't understand it in this time." For families
of the slain emigrants and descendants of LDS pioneer John D. Lee -- the
one participant convicted and executed for the crime -- Hinckley's delineation
of the church's position on Mountain Meadows compounded many of the misgivings
they had about the entire chain of events during the summer.
First, a church contractor's backhoe accidentally exhumed the bones of
at least 29 victims Aug. 3 while digging at the grave, even though the
church had pledged not to disturb the ground. That was followed by a failed
attempt at secrecy, leading to wild speculation and a schism among
descendants.
There was a heated debate over whether a state law requiring forensic
analysis of the bones should be obeyed, with Gov. Mike Leavitt finally
intervening to prematurely terminate the study and ensure that all bones
be reburied before the dedication. New forensic anthropology studies done
on the bones before reinterment provided the first graphic evidence of
the brutality, and a new, unwanted reminder of the horror.
Now, those who had hoped to hear some sort of apology on behalf of the
modern Mormon Church from the man who had done more than any of his predecessors
to salve the wounds, were left feeling they had come up short.
"What we've felt would put this resentment to rest would be an official
apology from the church," says Scott Fancher of the Mountain Meadows
Monument Foundation in Arkansas, a group of direct descendants of the
victims. "Not an admission of guilt, but an acknowledgement of neglect
and of intentional obscuring of the truth."
Others closely involved in Hinckley's participation in the new monument
project believe the LDS Church went as far as it's ever going to go in
addressing the uncomfortable details of the massacre.
"You're not going to get an apology for several reasons, one of
which is that as soon as you say you're sorry, here come the wrongful-death
lawsuits," says Gene Sessions, president of the Mountain Meadows
Association, the organization that partnered with Hinckley on the project.
"If President Hinckley ever contemplated he was going to open this
can of worms he never would have bothered to do this, because it asks
embarrassing questions. It raises the old question of whether Brigham
Young ordered the massacre and whether Mormons do terrible things because
they think their leaders want them to do terrible things."
Noted Mormon writer Levi Peterson has tried to explain the difficulty
that Mormons and their church face in confronting the atrocity of Mountain
Meadows.
"If good Mormons committed the massacre, if prayerful leaders ordered
it, if apostles and a prophet knew about it and later sacrificed John
D. Lee, then the sainthood of even the modern church seems tainted,"
he has written. "Where is the moral superiority of Mormonism, where
is the assurance that God has made Mormons his new chosen people?"
Mormons are certainly not alone in trying to square the shedding of innocent
blood in the name of God. In the 13th century, the Roman Catholic Church
established courts of the Spanish Inquisition, gaining confessions of
heresy through torture and punishment by death. In 1692, Puritans in Massachusetts
executed 20 people for allegedly practicing witchcraft. But acknowledging
any complicity in Mountain Meadows' macabre past is fundamentally problematic
for the modern church.
"The massacre has left the Mormon Church on the horns of a dilemma,"
says Utah historian Will Bagley, author of a forthcoming book on Mountain
Meadows. "It can't acknowledge its historic involvement in a mass
murder, and if it can't accept its accountability, it can't repent."
The massacre also shows a darker side to Mormonism's proud pioneer heritage,
an element used today to shape the faith's worldwide image.
"The problem is that Mormons then were not simply old-fashioned
versions of Mormons today," says historian David Bigler, author of
Forgotten Kingdom. "Then, they were very zealous believers; it was
a faith that put great emphasis on the Old Testament and the Blood of
Israel."
Brigham Young's theocratic rule of the Utah Territory -- he wore the
hats of governor, federal Indian agent and LDS prophet -- was at its zenith
in 1857 when the mass murders at Mountain Meadows occurred. Reformation
of the LDS Church was in full swing, with members' loyalty challenged
by church leaders. Young taught that in a complete theocracy, God required
the spilling of a sinner's blood on the ground to properly atone for grievous
sins. It was the Mormon doctrine of "blood atonement."
The modern church contends blood atonement was mainly a "rhetorical
device" used by Young and other leaders to teach Saints the wages
of sin. Yet some scholars see its influence even today, pointing to such
signs as Utah being the only state left in the nation that allows execution
by firing squad. There is widespread disagreement, but some historians
have concluded that blood atonement is central to understanding why faithful
Mormons would conspire to commit mass murder.
Alternate explanations have included speculation that Indians threatened
to prey on local inhabitants if Mormon settlers did not help them raid
emigrant wagon trains. There also are the oft-repeated "evil emigrant"
stories, accounts that the Arkansas wagon train antagonized Mormon settlers
with epithets, poisoned watering holes that resulted in the deaths of
Mormon children and Indians, and boastful claims of one contingent called
the "Missouri Wildcats" that they were with the Illinois mob
that killed LDS founder Joseph Smith.
Retold as fact in many accounts and in the National Register of Historic
Places nomination for Mountain Meadows, the veracity of those stories
has been called into question since the earliest investigations of the
massacre.
Historian Juanita Brooks, in her seminal book, The Mountain Meadows Massacre,
believed the emigrants met their doom in part through their own provocative
behavior and because they came from the Arkansas county adjacent to the
county where beloved LDS Apostle Parley P. Pratt had recently been murdered.
In his forthcoming Blood of the Prophets, Bagley points to new evidence
that seems to blunt this one point of Brooks' landmark research.
"[Noted historian] Dale Morgan alerted Brooks in 1941 to the likelihood
that the emigrant atrocity stories had been 'set afloat by Mormons to
further their alibi of the massacre's having been perpetrated by Indians,'
" Bagley writes, quoting from Morgan's letter to Brooks. "Even
then it was well-established that the Fancher party came from Arkansas,
and Morgan had never been satisfied with tales that the company included
a large contingent of maniacal Missourians."
That a wagon train mainly of women and children would be slaughtered
for belligerence and taunting seems too farfetched to many historians
today.
"When you have 50 to perhaps more than 70 men participate in an
event like this, you can't just say they got upset," says Bigler,
a Utah native. "We have to believe they did not want to do what they
did any more than you or I would. We have to recognize they thought what
they were doing is what authority required of them. The only question
to be resolved is did that authority reach all the way to Salt Lake City?"
Fifty years ago, when Brooks broached the question of Young's role and
blood atonement in her book, she was labeled an apostate by some and "one
of the Lord's lie detectors" by others, such as the late philanthropist
O.C. Tanner. Brooks noted her own LDS temple endowment blessing was to
"avenge the blood of the prophet," a reference to Smith's 1844
murder. References to vengeance on behalf of slain church leaders eventually
were removed from endowment ceremonies.
The journals kept by Mormon pioneers, who considered maintaining diaries
a religious duty, continue to shed more light on the questions Brooks
raised. Among key developments in the historical record:
- The Sept. 1, 1857, journal of Young's Indian interpreter, Dimick
Huntington, recounts Young's negotiations with the Paiute Indians, who
were offered a gift of the emigrant wagon train's cattle. When Paiute
leaders noted Young had told them not to steal, Huntington translated
Young's reply: "So I have, but now they have come to fight us and
you, for when they kill us they will kill you."
- Young, as superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Utah Territory,
ordered the distribution of more than $3,500 in goods to the natives
"near Mountain Meadows" less than three weeks after the massacre.
- The patriarchal blessing given to the commander of the Mormon militia
in Beaver, Iron and Washington counties called on Col. William Dame
to "act at the head of a portion of thy brethren and of the Lamanites
[Indians] in the redemption of Zion and the avenging of the blood of
the prophets upon them that dwell on the earth."
There is also additional support for Brooks' original premise: That Young
wanted to stage a violent incident to demonstrate to the U.S. government
-- which was taking up arms against his theocracy -- that he could persuade
the Indians to interrupt travel over the important overland trails, thwarting
all emigration.
She was the first to note a frequently censored phrase from Young's Aug.
4, 1857, letter to Mormon "Indian missionary" Jacob Hamblin
to obtain the tribe's trust, "for they must learn that they have
either got to help us or the United States will kill us both." Hinckley
has declared, "Let the book of the past be closed" at Mountain
Meadows and believes it is pointless to continually speculate on why it
happened.
"None of us can place ourselves in the moccasins of those who lived
there at the time," he said in an interview. "The feelings that
were aroused, somehow, that I cannot understand. But it occurred. Now,
we're trying to do something that we can to honorably and reverently and
respectfully remember those who lost their lives there."
Sessions, the Weber State University historian who serves as president
of the Mountain Meadows Association, says Hinckley's efforts at reconciliation
this past summer "may be the most significant event to happen in
Mountain Meadows since John D. Lee was executed."
Attitudes are changing, he says, pointing to the church's acceptance
of interpretive signs at the meadows that better explain who did the killing.
As to who ultimately is to blame, perhaps that's not for anyone to judge.
"Somebody made a terrible decision that this has got to be done,"
says Sessions. "I don't justify it in any way. But I do believe it
would have taken more guts to stay home in Cedar City on those days in
1857 than it would to go out there to the meadows and take part.
"You couldn't stay away. You would have been out there killing people."
----------
(Tribune reporter Peggy Fletcher Stack contributed to this story.)
Artifacts Head for Museum, Mountain Meadows buttons go to Arkansas
Sunday, September 10, 2000
BY CHRISTOPHER SMITH
Buttons believed to be from the clothing of Arkansas emigrants murdered
143 years ago Monday at the hands of Mormon settlers and Paiute Indians
will be displayed in an Arkansas museum, LDS Church leaders announced
Saturday.
Church officials said they would not immediately heed a recommendation
by the Utah state archaeologist that the artifacts taken from the mass
grave of Mountain Meadows massacre victims near St. George last year be
reburied with the bones of the wagon train emigrants. Instead, despite
objections from some descendants, the church will allow a pioneer museum
in Berryville, Ark., to display the six buttons, a wagon wheel nut and
12 fragments of a glazed ceramic pot.
In a prepared statement, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
said it had "determined to honor the wishes of many -- but admittedly
not all -- of the descendants and other relatives" by allowing the
Carroll County Historical and Genealogical Society to put the grave artifacts
on display.
"We feel that it is appropriate to deliver these items to Arkansas,
where the families of the emigrants can see them as a remembrance of their
fallen relatives," said LDS Museum of Church History and Art Director
Glen Leonard, who presented the artifacts to the museum Saturday during
the annual meeting of the Mountain Meadow Association (MMA) in Harrison,
Ark. "It has never been our intention to keep the artifacts. Our
desire is to honor the memory of the massacre victims according to the
wishes of their descendants and within the limits of application laws
and regulations."
Leonard said pending resolution of "remaining questions," the
items will be on indefinite loan to the Berryville museum, with ownership
retained by the church's history and art museum in Salt Lake City.
The items, along with the skeletal remains of 29 people, were excavated
at Mountain Meadows in August last year by construction crews digging
a foundation for a new wall around the "Carleton cairn," a rock
pile believed to have first been placed in 1859 by Army troops under the
command of Maj. James Carleton. The soldiers gathered and buried en masse
the bones of some 120 members of the California-bound wagon train led
by Capt. Alexander Fancher who were slaughtered in a siege that ended
Sept. 11, 1857.
Persuaded by local Mormon militia leaders to surrender their arms in
exchange for safe escort past the Indians to Cedar City, the emigrants
were instead double-crossed and executed by militiamen and Indian allies,
with only 17 children under the age of eight allowed to live. The episode
is considered one of the most ignominious chapters of territorial Utah
history.
The Carleton cairn is located on property owned by the LDS Church. Church
officials and archaeologists at churchowned Brigham Young University had
asserted ownership of the artifacts and announced earlier this year plans
to donate the buttons to the small museum in Carroll County, the home
of many of the doomed wagon train members.
On Aug. 29, after consulting with the Utah Attorney General's Office,
state archaeologist Kevin Jones wrote to church and BYU officials advising
that it would be "inappropriate" to consider the landowner as
the owner of items placed in a grave with the deceased. Based on current
professional archaeological practices and applicable state laws, Jones
recommended that the buttons and ceramics be considered funerary objects
and reburied with the massacre victims.
LDS Church leaders said Saturday they had "considered" Jones'
recommendation of reburial but elected to give priority consideration
to descendants who wanted the artifacts put on display in Arkansas.
The debate was sparked when leaders of one massacre descendants' organization,
the Arkansas-based Mountain Meadows Monument Foundation (MMMF), questioned
the propriety and legality of permitting a private landowner to remove
and retain items placed in a recognized grave. MMMF President Scott Fancher
of Fayetteville, Ark., challenged the church's assertion that it legally
owned items from the mass grave in a series of letters to the Utah Division
of History, Utah Attorney General's Office, the LDS Church and BYU.
"Under your construction of the law, a landowner has an absolute
right to the profits incident to disinterring the dead," Fancher,
an attorney, wrote in one letter to BYU's Office of Public Archaeology.
"I'm curious as to where you would draw the line -- gold filling,
rings, necklaces, great-grandpa's favorite pipe? Frankly, I can't believe
you would even suggest that such is a rule of general application, in
Utah or elsewhere."
But the other organization of descendants and wagon train historians,
the Mountain Meadow Association, had asserted that because its membership
included more "direct descendants" of the surviving 17 children,
it should speak for the wagon train victims. The MMA urged the church
to donate the artifacts to the Carroll County museum, and paid for the
display case to house the buttons, wagon nut and crockery.
"These problems and disruptions are being caused by self-appointed
people who are not even direct descendants of anyone in the wagon train
and who have no right to say what is done with the artifacts," the
MMA board charged in a statement placed on the organization's Web site
Thursday.
Beyond the political and emotional minefield of the Mountain Meadows
massacre, some Utah archaeological and anthropological researchers are
concerned over the precedent this artifacts case may set.
Among them is College of Eastern Utah Prehistoric Museum Director Don
Burge of Price, who helped author some of the state's grave protection
and anti-desecration laws.
"As museum directors, we've realized that it is no longer OK to
dig up Indian graves and take the objects," said Burge. "Are
we now saying it's OK to dig up an Anglo grave and take the artifacts?
We're just asking for trouble."
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